Killing of Kurdish activists in Paris
might damage Turkey’s fragile peace talks with PKK
• The killings of three Kurdish activists in Paris looks
likely to be rooted in an internal dispute within the Kurdistan Workers’ Party
(PKK).
• Victim Sakine
Cansiz, a longtime field commander before she turned to political activism, had
sparred with other PKK figures over budget issues and complicity with the
Bashar al-Assad regime in Syria.
• The killings could
disrupt fragile attempts at Ankara-PKK peace talks, which have already run
aground as neither side seems truly willing to compromise on issues such as the
status of jailed PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan.
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Three Kurdish
activists killed in Paris
Three activists of
the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK)—Sakine Cansiz, Fidan Dogan and Leyla
Soylemez—were found slain in Paris on January 10. French authorities reported
that the killings were execution style, and mentioned that weapons with
silencers might have been used.
Cansiz was one of the
founding figures of the PKK in 1978. She and the two other women—Dogan, the
head of the Kurdish Institute of Paris and a representative of the Kurdistan
National Committee, and Soylemez, also an activist—were known to be criticizing
the PKK’s military operations on civilian targets, especially blaming Syrian
Kurds affiliated with the organization, particularly Fehman Hussein (a.k.a
Bahoz Erdal). Two months before her murder, in a group meeting held at the
Kurdish Institute, Cansiz also criticized Hussein for his efforts to create a Syrian-Kurd-dominated
leadership in the PKK’s command groups, warning that he would steer the
organization away from jailed leader Abdullah Ocalan’s principles and
perspectives.
Negotiations between
the Turkish government and the PKK were not proving promising for the Kurdish
organization in terms of agreeing on basic principles such as transferring
Ocalan to house arrest or negotiating autonomy for the Kurds. Thursday's
killings in the heart of Europe will make the current negotiations even more
difficult, no matter who might be behind the attack.
Incident may be a
sign of a rift in the PKK
The PKK claims that
the killings were designed by the Turkish “deep-state” to sabotage the peace
talks initiated by the Recep Tayyip Erdogan government last week. Ankara
recently announced that it would try every way possible to disarm the PKK,
including talks with Ocalan, who has been serving a life sentence for the past
decade. But media experts and intelligence analysts don’t believe Turkey was
behind the Paris incident, for several reasons.
It is the first time that such a senior member of the PKK
has been killed in Europe. There has been a tacit agreement between the PKK and
Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) government that no such
high-profile attacks would be carried out against either senior PKK members or
senior members of the government. This tacit agreement provided ground to the
so-called Oslo talks, held through 2009–2011 in the Norwegian capital, between
PKK’s political and non-active military figures, including Zubeyir Aydar,
Mustafa Karasu, Sabri Ok, and Turkish representatives such as intelligence
chief Hakan Fidan.
Intelligence experts
have similar opinions about the divergence in the PKK ranks, stating the PKK
leadership in Kandil’s discomfort with Europe cadres. Cansiz (also known as
Sakina Polat or Sara) was, as indicated, known to be a strong supporter of
Ocalan and second in command Murat Karayilan, as well as a firm opponent of
Hussein and PKK financial figure Zubeyir Aydar, who manages a budget of
millions of euros covering PKK’s military and political activities. Pro-PKK
blogs and websites claim that Cansiz—who was also a commander in the PKK
military ranks until 1999—blamed Aydar for incompetency in managing the budget,
saying he was using it for personal benefit. Sources close to the PKK mention
that Cansiz reported to Karayilan on Aydar’s purported misconduct and was in
turn threatened by Aydar, who called her disloyal and a spy.
Hussein and his
Syrian-Kurdish inner circle have also been criticized by PKK groups in Europe
for their efforts to come to terms with Bashar al-Assad’s regime in Syria and
cooperate with Assad in the event of a Turkish incursion. Hussein’s attempts to
gather some 1,000 PKK troops in northern Syria for the purpose of defending the
Kurdish region of Syria against Turkish attacks were declared improper by
Cansiz, who was a strong defender of applying more decisive guerrilla tactics
on the Turkish side of the border.
Kendal Nezan, head of
the Paris Kurdish Institute, also gave some clues about his doubts in his
remarks following the discovery of the three women’s bodies. He mentioned that
it was possible that extremist Turkish groups or a radical group within the
PKK, might be involved in the crime.
Killings may affect ongoing talks, chances for
peace process
Even though it was
highly touted, the so-called peace process between the Turkish government and
the PKK was not fruitful from the beginning. The failure is no surprise, since
the expectations and red lines of the two sides are quite different. One can argue
that the difference is coming from the complicated nature of the Turkey-PKK
dynamic.
Neither side is able
to put a solid offer on the table; nor are they ready for small sacrifices for
broader benefits. The PKK seems to be stuck on three non-negotiable demands;
• Freeing Ocalan and
giving him a leading position in the talks, even if under house arrest at
first.
• Putting autonomy on the table and reorganizing a new
constitution that would give a broader definition of Kurdish rights.
• Discussing the terms for PKK’s armed groups for a better
status, other than planning demobilization and disarmament phases.
Meanwhile, the Turkish government announced that Ankara's
commitment to peace is real but that Ocalan’s pardon or transfer to house
imprisonment are out of the question. Ankara uncompromisingly insists that PKK
terrorists should lay down their weapons and has proposed a three-step strategy
to dissolve the organization, described as
“demobilization-disarmament-reintegration.” Officials signaled 10 days ago that
terrorists groups’ leaving Turkey and halting operations against the Turkish
army will be seen as moves of goodwill.
But following this comment, PKK terrorists and army troops clashed in
Hakkari, Sirnak, and Beytussebap, resulting in the killing of 17 PKK terrorists
and three Turkish personnel.
Turkish and European
political experts agree that the talks with the PKK got off to a weak start.
Aydar and some PKK commanders—including Hussein—stayed quiet since the
beginning of the talks. According to PKK web site, Hussein called the talks a
“waste of time” and added that he does not believe Turkey is sincere in
negotiating for permanent peace. But Karayilan strongly argued that
negotiations should include Ocalan and the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP), but
also the Kandil leadership, and underlined that PKK command cadres should be
accepted as a third interlocutor. Ocalan alone will not be enough to settle a
road map.
Both stances indicate
the PKK’s unwillingness for peace talks. And this attitude gives Ankara enough
reason to exclude the group and try to reason with Kurdish political figures,
instead of Kandil. The Erdogan government is aware that Ocalan is important to
initiate the bridge, but does not have the power to convince the PKK to lay down
its weapons or the willingness to attempt to demobilize terrorists groups in
Turkey.
Given this backdrop,
the Paris murders look like a way for PKK armed groups to pressure Kurdish
political groups, covertly sending a threatening message that they shouldn’t
take steps without considering the Kandil leadership. The government will
probably continue to look for options for permanent peace, but the efforts seem
unlikely to satisfy Kurdish demands. The vital role here now falls to the
French government and police. Should they be able to track down the killers,
both Ankara and the Kurds will have a clearer idea of the chances for peace.
Coskun Unal
