The official emergence of a political Islam in Syria is almost dated with the birth of Syria's Muslim Brotherhood (Ikhwan) in 1945. Some historians date the Syrian Ikhwan's foundation to the emergence of the politically active Islamic societies (Jamaats and Jamiats) in 1920s, the term following the break-up from the Ottoman Empire.
It is not wrong to argue that Syrian Ikhwan's foundations are found in late Ottoman Syria when from 1860 to 1914, tha Salafiyya movement reached Damascus and became so influential in local public and Islamic circles, that it would later shape the Ikhwan's reformist and moderate agenda between 1946 and 1969.
Historically; Salafiyya movement sought to reform Islam from within, in order to give Arab world the resources deemed necessary to confront the challenges of Western domination and containment. The Salafism, which would emerge out of this trend was, primarily intellectual and political in its aims, and peaceful in its means.
At the time of Ikhwan’s creation, Syria had just gained independence from French Mandate and parliamentary had been restored by President Shukru Al Kuvvatli of the Syrian National Bloc, which had led the struggle against French. The National Bloc was dominated by urban businessmen and landlords, wishing to carry out a liberal reformist agenda, to be able to provide a less painless transformation process.
Akram Al Hawrani, mobilized peasantry in his home town of Hama, where his Arab Socialist Party rapidly became influential actor at local and national level. Michael Aflaq and Salahaddin Al Bittar, founded the Ba'ath (Resistance) Party which originally centered around the idea of Arab unity before giving it a populist and socialist spin by allying Hawrani's socialist forces in 1953.
Akram al-Hawrani, was a Syrian politician who played a prominent role in the formation of a widespread populist, nationalist movement in Syria's Arab Socialist Party and in the rise of the Ba'ath Party.
By 1954 The Brotherhood had decided to give up most of its political activities in a historical decision, which would affect the movement's organization capacity to stand for an election. The Syrian Ikhwan had suffered repression early on, when Husni Al Zaim declared, after his December 1949 that, he would first destroy the Communist Party, before turning to Muslim Brotherhood.Under Al Zaim's short rule, the brotherhood was outlawed and steps were taken to limit it influence.
While Ikhwan members turned back into politics after Al Zaim's overthrown, their participation into Syrian politics only lasted a few years, till Colonel Adib Shishakli's November 1951 coup.
In this perspective; staying out of politics was a way for Syrian Ikhwan to avoid taking an opposition stance against popular Nasserism. For Mustapha Al Sibai, this however did not mean that members of Syrian Ikhwan were supposed to be distant from the upcoming elections, as long as this was accomplished on an individual basis, not involving the "movement". Thus; while Syrian Brotherhood did not directly participate in the 1954 general elections, Ikhwan sympathizers like Muhammed Al Mubarek and Maruf Al Dawalibi ran as independents and were elected for the Parliament. Similarly; Al Sibai also ran independently as Damascus candidate in 1957 by-elections but lost to Baathist Riyadh al Maliki.
In 1958, Syrian government asked Nasser to accept a merger between Syria and Egypt for establishment of a United Arab Republic (UAR). Syrian Ikhwan accepted a union which ideologically it was a way to commit pan Islamism and pan-Arabism. Syrian Brotherhood was also one of the few important groups that did not participate in the break up of Syria-Egyptian Union, when a dynamic civilian-military coalition orchestrated Syria's recession from UAR in September 1961. And on March 8 1963, a group of Baathist and Nasserist officers carried out a coup d'etat defeating Nasser. This was a historical turn which would profoundly affect Syria's political and social instructions for the next 45 years.
PART-2 will continue with The Radicalization of Syrian Islamic Groups
It is not wrong to argue that Syrian Ikhwan's foundations are found in late Ottoman Syria when from 1860 to 1914, tha Salafiyya movement reached Damascus and became so influential in local public and Islamic circles, that it would later shape the Ikhwan's reformist and moderate agenda between 1946 and 1969.
Historically; Salafiyya movement sought to reform Islam from within, in order to give Arab world the resources deemed necessary to confront the challenges of Western domination and containment. The Salafism, which would emerge out of this trend was, primarily intellectual and political in its aims, and peaceful in its means.
History of Islamic Sects and Societies
in Syria (1838-1945):
Most of the historians and Middle East experts agree that
Syria’s religious awakening starts with their pan-Islamic, nationalist efforts
to get rid of French occupation in 1914s, a term followed by Egypt’s Muslim
Brotherhood’s emergence and its inspirational influence throughout the Levant
region. While 1945 marks the official birth of the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood (Ikhwan),
its intellectual roots can be traced back to decades earlier, in which during
the Ottoman era of 1860 to 1914, the Salafiyya movement reached its heights in
Damascus and became so influential in local Islamic circles, that it would
later shape the Ikhwan’s religious reformation agenda between 1946 to 1969.
The initial prominent figure for the birth of Syria’s
religious clergy was an Egyptian, Jamaladdin
al-Afghani (1838-1897), who called for the unification of the “entire”
Umma” –the world wide Muslim Community- advocating a pan-Islamic nationalism
which rests in the Prophet’s teachings. What Afghani eventually sought was, to
reform Islam by promoting a return to the practices of “Salaf”(the great Ancestors or Caliphs) who succeeded Prophet
Mohammed at a time when Islam was rising. The path that leaded to Caliphs’ way
of ruling was called or known as Salafiyya/Salafism
and Syria was one of the best places in the Middle East to offer accommodation
to the teachings of Salafiyya Movement.
Ibn Taymiyya
of Damascus, a prolific scholar (Ulama)
in Islamic history was able to unite the followers of two different Islamic
views; Sufism (a mystical and
relatively moderate branch that seeks the divine unification and oneness with Allah the God) and Salafism ( which proposes to follow Prophet’s and Caliphs’ way of
living; ”Sunnah”), by inviting them to unite under the flag of “jihad” or holly struggle against the
unbelievers, infidels as well as the invaders throughout the Islamic regions,
from Algeria to Syria.
Sufism had a wide variety of branches since the Ottoman era,
and these differential sects were distinguishing themselves with their rituals
(zikhir) and other means of extra worshipping methods and customs, from daily
Islamic rituals, which caused Sufism regarded as heretic by the mainstream
Islamic institutions and society.
The proposed Salafi-Sufi unity agreed on a consensus that
Islam was work and action (amal), not
controversy or argument (jedal);
Islam teaches reliance to God as the primary rule of action (tawakkul), not passive resignation (ta’waqul); and above all; Muslims’
purpose is God, constitution is Quran, and their sole leader is Prophet, final
path is jihad, eternal wish is martyrdom. None of these matters were arguable
for quiet moderate Sufi scholars, since they were pointing out the very basic
essence of Islam. Sufism specifically in Levant region; which used to expound
the jihad “as one’s inner and spiritual war against the evil that shelters
within him”, wandered off its ancient philosophy and came to terms with
Salafiyya’s more radical definitions for Islamic principles.
Keeping the jihad as an important part of the Islamic
unification; Damascus kept sheltering influential Islamic societies; such as Jamiat al Gharra (1924), Jamiat al Hidaya al Islamiyya (1937), Jamiat al Ulama (1938),and Ikhwan Al Muslimin (1945). And during
this period, Syria was sheltering two main Sufi Nakshibandi sects’ Haznevi and
Qadiri branches.
Religion and Policy in Syria through 1950s
1920s were a time of intense change in Syrians’ daily lives.
France dominated Syrian political life during the mandate period (1920-1946)
and the challenge to this foreign rule aroused strong anti-colonial resistance
against Western influence on Islamic values as well as Arab culture. Many
Syrian Sunnis were startled by enforced secular norms which in their eyes
threatened the Islamic traditions. In addition, there were shortages and
economic difficulties mostly compounded by soaring inflation, disrupting the
traditional social fabric of main trade cities like Damascus, Aleppo, Latakia
and Deir Al Zour. Because of these effects, the emergence of Syria’s Muslim
Brotherhood (Ikhwan) in 1946 was
pretty much the outcome of country’s economic condition, as well as its
sociological, religious and political landscape.
Owing its name to its Egyptian sister organization; Syria’s
Muslim Brotherhood (Jamiat Al Ikhwan Al
Muslimin) was born out of the personal ties and religion based concerns
developed by Syrian Islamic scholars with Brotherhood’s Egyptian founder Hassan
Al-Banna during their religious studies at Cairo’s Al Ahzar University. Upon
finishing their education and return to Syria; Mustapha Al-Sibai and Mohammed
Hamid played an important role to establish religious organizations (Jamiat) with political agendas, until
Sibai announced the foundation of Syria Ikhwan in 1946.
Mustapha Al Sibai
At the time of Ikhwan’s creation, Syria had just gained independence from French Mandate and parliamentary had been restored by President Shukru Al Kuvvatli of the Syrian National Bloc, which had led the struggle against French. The National Bloc was dominated by urban businessmen and landlords, wishing to carry out a liberal reformist agenda, to be able to provide a less painless transformation process.
Kuvvatli’s inability to effectively deal with the creation
of the state Israel in May 1948, Syria’s defeat in the subsequent Arab-Israeli
war provided fertile ground for the emergence of the new parties, and leftist,
nationalist as well as religious trends rapidly found body in Syria’s political
structure.
Shukru Al Kuvvatli, Syrian President from August 1943 to April 1948
Akram Al Hawrani, mobilized peasantry in his home town of Hama, where his Arab Socialist Party rapidly became influential actor at local and national level. Michael Aflaq and Salahaddin Al Bittar, founded the Ba'ath (Resistance) Party which originally centered around the idea of Arab unity before giving it a populist and socialist spin by allying Hawrani's socialist forces in 1953.
Repeated student strikes and the defeat against Israel in 1948 war quickly led to a serious deterioration of political atmosphere, creating an anti-American and anti-Semitic Arab world view, which resulted in allying with Soviet Block, along with continuous coups', starting with Colonel Husni Al Zaim's disbanding all political parties in March 1949 military coup.
Created in 1940s as a reaction to the French Mandate in Syria, Ba'ath was a purely intellectual movement emphasizing Syrian national struggle for independence in pan-Arab terms.Led by a Christian, Michael Aflaq and a Sunni, Salahaddin Al Bittar, it assumed a political nature only after the independence when they started to publish Al-Ba'ath Daily in 1946. Initially the main ideological force behind Ba'ath Party's emergence in Syrian politics, was its insistence on the existence of an Arab Nation whose historic legacy would give the Arab World strength, if united, to face the challenges of Western Imperialism. Uniting against Imperialism, naturally brought a warm welcome to socialism, which culminated in the emergence of an Arab Socialism inside the manifesto of an Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party in 1953.
In reality; throughout the 1940s to 1950s the radical parties that emerged on Syria's political scene, all strove to emphasize their commitment to a fairer social structure, which would benefit the "lower middle classes" frustrated by a growing distinction between Syrian rich elites-privileged class. While Syrian Communist Party -whose sole purpose of foundation was an attempt to cherish Soviet Republic- naturally emphasized its communist ideology, the Ba'ath insisted on its own brand of Arab Socialism, and the Syrian National Socialist Party put forward a national-socialist ideology. Muslim Brotherhood had also tainted its dis-ideology with a degree of left wing rhetoric, putting up candidates for election under the platform of "Islamic Socialist Front".
The doctrine of Islamic Socialism- put forward by Mustapha Al Sibai (Red Sheikh) in his Ishtirakiyyat al Islam (People's participation of Islam)- represented the Syrian Brotherhood's first attempt at articulating an Islamic Way different from western or eastern values, which also is adopted by Ba'ath founders.In the early context of the Cold War, the Muslim Brotherhood 's Islamic Socialism and its attempt to strike a middle ground between capitalism and communism meant that it had to walk a fine line between rejecting West while not completely embracing the USSR, which favored UN Partition Plan for Palestine in November 1947 and enjoyed a distinctive popularity among the Arab Nations. The Syrian Brotherhood considered that enemy of the West Imperialism was a friend of the Muslims and therefore the USSR and its policies should be supported.
Ba'ath Party's Emergence as a Lead
Created in 1940s as a reaction to the continued French presence in Syria, the Ba'ath Party was at first a purely intellectual movement emphasizing Syria's nationalist Arab struggle. Led Michel Aflaq and Salahaddin Al Bitar, Ba'ath assumed a political nature, only after they start publishing Daily Ba'ath newspaper, following the granting of independence in 1946. With the popularity of the paper, they assumed first national congress in 1947 and became a political movement. Progressively, elements of socialism were integrated into its revolutionary pan-Arab rhetoric and this culminated the birth of the Arab-Socialism , in which its exemplified by Ba'ath's 1953 merge with Akram Al Hawrani's Arab Socialist Party.
Ideologically Baathist wanted to draw a line between the Russia inspired communism and Tito inspired Arab Socialism. Politically and tactically the alliance with Al Hawrani's peasant movement reinforced Ba'ath's appeal across Syrian societies especially in rural areas.
Ba'ath Party's Emergence as a Lead
Created in 1940s as a reaction to the continued French presence in Syria, the Ba'ath Party was at first a purely intellectual movement emphasizing Syria's nationalist Arab struggle. Led Michel Aflaq and Salahaddin Al Bitar, Ba'ath assumed a political nature, only after they start publishing Daily Ba'ath newspaper, following the granting of independence in 1946. With the popularity of the paper, they assumed first national congress in 1947 and became a political movement. Progressively, elements of socialism were integrated into its revolutionary pan-Arab rhetoric and this culminated the birth of the Arab-Socialism , in which its exemplified by Ba'ath's 1953 merge with Akram Al Hawrani's Arab Socialist Party.
Ideologically Baathist wanted to draw a line between the Russia inspired communism and Tito inspired Arab Socialism. Politically and tactically the alliance with Al Hawrani's peasant movement reinforced Ba'ath's appeal across Syrian societies especially in rural areas.
By 1954 The Brotherhood had decided to give up most of its political activities in a historical decision, which would affect the movement's organization capacity to stand for an election. The Syrian Ikhwan had suffered repression early on, when Husni Al Zaim declared, after his December 1949 that, he would first destroy the Communist Party, before turning to Muslim Brotherhood.Under Al Zaim's short rule, the brotherhood was outlawed and steps were taken to limit it influence.
Husni Al Zaim (Syria's President from April to August 1949)
While Ikhwan members turned back into politics after Al Zaim's overthrown, their participation into Syrian politics only lasted a few years, till Colonel Adib Shishakli's November 1951 coup.
Colonel Adip Shishakli
Shishakli taken over most of the institutions, and his dictatorship lasted on February 1954,with the effects of Egypt's General Abdel Nasser's popularity. Growing popularity of Nasser in Egypt and across the Arab world, coincided with an increase over Muslim Brotherhood repression. This repression coming from the Arab world's most popular leader, put the Syrian Ikhwan in a delicate situation. While condemning the pressure over Brotherhood, they were not able to criticize the General Nasser, to avoid the risk they may face.
In 1952, Al Sibai was arrested and Shishakli's authoritarian rule for 3 years accounted for Ikhwan's decision to shrink from politics and turn into neutral areas like education and social work. Ikhwan's decision to temporarily retreat from politics was also most prominently affected by the situation in Egypt. The growing popularity of Gamal Abdel Nasser across the Arab World coincided with a dramatic increase in Muslim Brotherhood's government repression, which caused the dissolution of the organization in 1954 and imprisonment of its leader Hassan al-Hudaybi, who had succeeded Hassan Al Banna upon his death.
In 1952, Al Sibai was arrested and Shishakli's authoritarian rule for 3 years accounted for Ikhwan's decision to shrink from politics and turn into neutral areas like education and social work. Ikhwan's decision to temporarily retreat from politics was also most prominently affected by the situation in Egypt. The growing popularity of Gamal Abdel Nasser across the Arab World coincided with a dramatic increase in Muslim Brotherhood's government repression, which caused the dissolution of the organization in 1954 and imprisonment of its leader Hassan al-Hudaybi, who had succeeded Hassan Al Banna upon his death.
The repression faced by the Brotherhood at the hands of Arabs' rising star Nasser, put the Syrian Ikhwan in a delicate situation. While they could only condemn Nasser's harsh measures against Brotherhood, they had to tone down critiques of the Nasser regime due to the risk of loosing Arab support for the cause in progress.
Egyptian Hassan Al Hudaybi, during his imprisonment by Nasser, 1958
In this perspective; staying out of politics was a way for Syrian Ikhwan to avoid taking an opposition stance against popular Nasserism. For Mustapha Al Sibai, this however did not mean that members of Syrian Ikhwan were supposed to be distant from the upcoming elections, as long as this was accomplished on an individual basis, not involving the "movement". Thus; while Syrian Brotherhood did not directly participate in the 1954 general elections, Ikhwan sympathizers like Muhammed Al Mubarek and Maruf Al Dawalibi ran as independents and were elected for the Parliament. Similarly; Al Sibai also ran independently as Damascus candidate in 1957 by-elections but lost to Baathist Riyadh al Maliki.
In 1958, Syrian government asked Nasser to accept a merger between Syria and Egypt for establishment of a United Arab Republic (UAR). Syrian Ikhwan accepted a union which ideologically it was a way to commit pan Islamism and pan-Arabism. Syrian Brotherhood was also one of the few important groups that did not participate in the break up of Syria-Egyptian Union, when a dynamic civilian-military coalition orchestrated Syria's recession from UAR in September 1961. And on March 8 1963, a group of Baathist and Nasserist officers carried out a coup d'etat defeating Nasser. This was a historical turn which would profoundly affect Syria's political and social instructions for the next 45 years.
Baathist Revolution and the reaction of the Islamic Groups
The political, ideological and influential struggle between Syrian Ikhwan and Syrian Baath which came to dominate Syria between 1963-1982 was often portrayed by the regime, as a struggle between modernity and religious fanaticism.Although the Islamic opposition carried out a naturally ideological dimension, the roots of the clash were much more complicated. The ideology of re-shaping Syria had not only been unsuccessful in mobilizing the masses, but had in fact, failed to unite the people on a unified cause.
While the sectarian problems emerged with Salah Jahid's ascent to power in 1966 or the advent of Hafiz Al Assad's rule over Syria in November 1970; the roots of Islamist opposition against Baath can be traced back to 1950s.
By identifying Islam with Arab nationalism, the Baathist ideologue hoped to convince Arabs that embracing secularism did not mean rejecting religion, which was also a visible well-structured case in Turkey and Turkish politics, who had been trying to settle and implement of Kemal Ataturk's envision for a Turkey unified with Western values.
To religious Sunni community the Baathist ideology was a harsh betrayal of the very essence of Islamic doctrine. The same controversy however, had been the source of a big dispute among Islamic sects and groups, since the diversion of Ali's caliphate in 700 ac, pawing the way to the emergence of Kharijites (Hariciler) , which could be a main topic of a different study.
The troubles causing public unrest started in April 1964, with a campaign of agitation by Friday prayer leaders who delivered inflammatory speeches against seculars and Baathist regime. While street riots spread through most Syrian cities, they focused heavily on Hama, a stronghold of religious conservatism, where they took a violent dimension, shaping city's hatred for the regime for decades, till today.
According to Abdel Halim Khaddam, Governor of Hama, who would rise to the vice presidency later, the troubles began where 3 local teachers were transferred to Deir ez Zoor due to their anti secular political views. The demonstrations gradually raised to a brutal dimension when a Baathist militia man was killed by the angry crowd, triggering fierce government retaliation.
After the mediation of Sheikh Muhammed Al Hamid, a respected well known religious scholar, a negotiated solution had been found to end the 29 day long crisis.
At the time, Baath party line was still influenced by its historical founders such as Michael Aflaq and Salaheddine Al Bitar, who would temporarily assume the premiership after Hafez Al Assad in the future. Although they were secular, most of them were not Sunnis and therefore had respect for other religious traditions. However; as the balance of the power among religious communities inside the Syrian Army progressively changed in favor of minorities like Alawites, so did the orientation of the Syrian government. The regime soon became dominated by military originated men, whose minority and rural background gave them a more radical stance. Their ascent to power culminated in General Salih Jadid's coup in February 1966, after which the regime started be referred as neo-Baath, - a term defining the radically left-wing socio-economic policies adopted by Syria from 1966 to 1970.
While the sectarian problems emerged with Salah Jahid's ascent to power in 1966 or the advent of Hafiz Al Assad's rule over Syria in November 1970; the roots of Islamist opposition against Baath can be traced back to 1950s.
By identifying Islam with Arab nationalism, the Baathist ideologue hoped to convince Arabs that embracing secularism did not mean rejecting religion, which was also a visible well-structured case in Turkey and Turkish politics, who had been trying to settle and implement of Kemal Ataturk's envision for a Turkey unified with Western values.
To religious Sunni community the Baathist ideology was a harsh betrayal of the very essence of Islamic doctrine. The same controversy however, had been the source of a big dispute among Islamic sects and groups, since the diversion of Ali's caliphate in 700 ac, pawing the way to the emergence of Kharijites (Hariciler) , which could be a main topic of a different study.
The troubles causing public unrest started in April 1964, with a campaign of agitation by Friday prayer leaders who delivered inflammatory speeches against seculars and Baathist regime. While street riots spread through most Syrian cities, they focused heavily on Hama, a stronghold of religious conservatism, where they took a violent dimension, shaping city's hatred for the regime for decades, till today.
According to Abdel Halim Khaddam, Governor of Hama, who would rise to the vice presidency later, the troubles began where 3 local teachers were transferred to Deir ez Zoor due to their anti secular political views. The demonstrations gradually raised to a brutal dimension when a Baathist militia man was killed by the angry crowd, triggering fierce government retaliation.
After the mediation of Sheikh Muhammed Al Hamid, a respected well known religious scholar, a negotiated solution had been found to end the 29 day long crisis.
At the time, Baath party line was still influenced by its historical founders such as Michael Aflaq and Salaheddine Al Bitar, who would temporarily assume the premiership after Hafez Al Assad in the future. Although they were secular, most of them were not Sunnis and therefore had respect for other religious traditions. However; as the balance of the power among religious communities inside the Syrian Army progressively changed in favor of minorities like Alawites, so did the orientation of the Syrian government. The regime soon became dominated by military originated men, whose minority and rural background gave them a more radical stance. Their ascent to power culminated in General Salih Jadid's coup in February 1966, after which the regime started be referred as neo-Baath, - a term defining the radically left-wing socio-economic policies adopted by Syria from 1966 to 1970.
General Salah Jadid
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